Adivasi Alert | Tribal India | Adivasi Alert | Tribal India | Adivasi Alert

Adivasi Woman branded witch, killed on Intl Women’s Day

2010-03-17T07:23:00.001-07:00

Even as the world outside observed International Women's Day on Monday, at Sikriatanr in Simdega district of Jharkhand, a mob of 150 tribals branded a woman of their tribe as witch and beat her to death. According to 58-year-old Birsa Chik, his wife Geeta Devi (55) was accused of being a witch and killed. Her body was later sent to the Sadar hospital for post-mortem. Trouble began when two villagers, Muska Chick (57) and his nephew Sukra (45), were told by an exorcist that Muska's 22-year-son Jairam, who probably suffered from typhoid, was a victim of a spell cast by Geeta. A panchayat was held and soon 150 Chik Baraiks charged at Geeta with sticks and beat her up till she died, according to the FIR filed by Birsa. None of the 10 persons, who were named in the FIR, were arrested till Tuesday.

Mar 10, 2010 at 2238 hrs Ranchi / indian express

http://www.jharkhand.org.in/adivasi-witchcraft

Sudesh Kumar

J H A R K H A N D

www.jharkhand.org.uk

Email: sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.uk or sudesh.kumar@jharkhand.org.in

Toto tribe in Bengal faces extinction due to their marriage system

2010-03-10T23:43:00.001-08:00

The endogamous marriage system practiced by members of Toto tribe in West Bengal may lead to the extinction of their clan since the children are reportedly born with several genetic defects.

Members of the Toto tribe, who happen to belong to the most isolated indigenous communities in the country, are slowly becoming extinct due to their endogamous system of marriage.

A good number of these families reside at Totopara, a village in the north Bengal region near the Indo-Bhutan border.

The total population of Toto tribe is believed to be just 1,468 and such trends have caused much anxiety among the elders as well as other concerned anthropologists.

Their conventional system lets conjugal relationship between cousins and such practices have created problems in their society since the children are born with deformities.

A majority of the children born out of the prevailing wedlock among the Totos are prone to genetic disease of Thalassemia, in which blood is not manufactured by the bonemarrow, forcing the affected persons to undergo periodical transfusions every fortnight for the rest of their lives so as to survive.

The wise among the Toto tribals are concerned about their declining numbers and they have lent a serious thought to their traditional endogamous marriage custom.

"The rituals are one of the most unique types which we have inherited from our ancestors. The way of marriage is also a peculiar. Though we practice the Hindu religious faith, our way of giving offerings and the marriage life are different from the conventional ones. We don't have casteism and dowry system prevalent in our society. We suppose an early marriage life is ideal, which we call living together and this helps our couples to know each other more properly before the final bonding. We are married within our families, especially among our cousins. But for a while, we have noticed that the off-springs of these couples after marriage are affected with the deadly disease of Thalassemia due to some genetic problems. We want to stop this tradition so as to come out of this predicament," said Dhaniram Toto, chief of the Totopara village.

The Totos are generally divided into 13 other various downstream clans and they reside in the regions of north West Bengal bordering with Bhutan and Assam.

2010-03-10 / ANI

Dongria Kondh Adivasi (Indigenous) Groups Step Up Protests Over Mining Project

2010-02-27T05:22:00.001-08:00

BHUBASNEWAR, India, 2010 Feb 23 (IPS) - When 5,000 indigenous Dongria Kondhs trekked Sunday to Niyam Dongar hill, the abode of their presiding deity Niyam Raja, and designated it as inviolate, it meant they were stepping up their resistance to a controversial alumina refinery and bauxite mine project here.

They carried out religious ritals to Niyam Raja - the sacred dispenser of law, and then put up a totem pole in the area located in Niyamgiri hills in their homeland Lanjigarh, a bauxite-rich hilly area in Kalahandi of Orissa state in eastern India. This was the latest act of defiance here against the backdrop of unrest since 1997 among communities, environmental and rights activists over the 2.13 billon U.S. dollar mining project by Vedanta Aluminium Ltd, the Indian arm of London-based Vedanta Resources Plc.

The alumina refinery, capable of producing one million tonnes of alumina from bauxite per annum, has been operating for over a year now at the foothills of Niyamgiri. Alumina is used in the production of aluminium metal. Since 2007, Vedanta has been seeking clearance for a six-fold expansion of its refinery and 721-hectare bauxite mining project. The bauxite project however has been stalled by a forest law. The mining operations would affect some 8,000 Dongria, Kutia and Jharania Kondh in 112 tribal and dalit villages in Kalahandi and adjacent Rayagada district, two of the most underdeveloped areas in Orissa.

For the forest-dwelling locals, Vedanta's mining project would result in the demolition of the Dongria's centuries-old sacred grove on Niyamgiri, threatening their ancient way of life, right to water, food, livelihood and cultural identity.

"These villages never had basic amenities like medical facilities, drinking water and properly functioning schools. The mining project will now take away even the sources of livelihood from them," explained Dadhi Pusika, leader of Niyamgiri Surakhya Samity (Nayamgiri Protection Committee) that was formed by members of affected villages.

"Life is so hard. Old women and children are dying. They are living like dogs," said 45-year-old Ladha Sikaka of Lakpaddar village, referring to the impact of the alumna refinery.

Six people from Rengopalli and villages near the refinery and its huge red mud pond - a receptacle of wastewater that is a mix of highly toxic alkaline chemicals and heavy metals - have died over the past year from undiagnosed respiratory ailments.

The Orissa State Pollution Control Board has issued several warnings to Vedanta since its refinery trial started in 2006, calling its attention to the shoddy protective lining of the red mud pond that leeches wastewater into Vamsadhara river flowing next to it. Villagers use that water for drinking.

Skin rashes and sores are common among residents. Some 40,000 truckloads of bauxite are transported to the refinery from outside Orissa per year, creating colossal air pollution from dirt roads, says Bhubaneswar-based environmentalist Biswajit Mohanty.

"If the mountain remains, our children remain, rains come, winter comes, the wind blows - the mountain will bring all the water, crops will grow. If they take away the rocks, water will dry, we will die," said Ladha. "The mountain is our soul, we will lose our soul."

"We cannot allow mining even if we are beheaded," he added.

The Dongria's Sunday protest comes on the heels of Amnesty International's recent report on the Vedanta project, called 'Don't Mine Us Out of Existence'. The report alleges that 12 pollution-affected villages have never received direct information on the refinery.

Green activists say the gravest concern pertains to water. Hilltop mining will dry up perennial water sources, while possible poor management of refinery wastewater could degrade surface water and pollute groundwater too. There is also concern about the huge quantities of water that the expanded refinery will consume daily.

An expansion of the current Vedanta project would mean its bauxite requirement would jump from three to 18 million tonnes per annum, resulting in not just one but possibly several open-cast mines on Niyamgiri.

But Vedanta clarifies that its mineralisation area of three million tonne per annum is mere 3.5 percent of 250 square-kilometre hill range, and that its 30-metre deep excavations would not disturb the water table 78 metres below ground level.

Three rivers, Vamsadhara, Sakota and Nagavalli, flow four, 7.5 and 13 km respectively from the mine's buffer zone, as do perennial streams. The larger rivers provide drinking water and irrigation to hundreds of thousands in Kalahandi, Rayagada and the neighbouring state of Andhra Pradesh. Watchdog groups point out that excavation will destroy the hills' water recharging capacity because the porousness of the bauxite layer increases water retention. This will eventually kill the rivers, make the habitat drier and affect agriculture, wild vegetation and pasture, they add.

Pavan Kaushik, head of corporate communications for Vedanta group, countered this in earlier letter to journalists. "Bauxite extraction... removes a hard rocky layer called laterite which will allow rain water to percolate deep... increasing afforestation post-mining."

Flash floods, which are common here, will be aggravated by hilltop deforestation. A flash flood in Vamsadhara can breach the red mud pond, causing disastrous wastewater spills into the river.

Three-quarters of the targeted hill have thick forests. The 300 species of plants in them include 50 species of medicinal plants and trees, six of which are in the International Union for Conservation of Nature Red List of threatened species. An elephant reserve, the forests are home to tigers, leopards, barking deer.

A tribal woman from Sindhabahal said, "The forest gives leaves, bamboo, roots, medicinal herbs, fruits, juice from the giant palm trees (to make liquor). These we sell or use for food. Hill slopes, known as 'dongar', are our cultivation fields."

Local will have nothing less than the cancellation of Vedanta's Niyamgiri mining lease.

They want the India Forest Rights Act of 2006, which gives forest-dwelling communities rights to land and other resources, implemented. They have demanded an irrigation dam from perennial hill streams, schools in each and one hospital for every 10 large villages, assured daily wage work under government schemes and support prices for forest products.

"The government is largely satisfied with its (Vedanta) pollution control measures at this time," said a senior official of the Orissa government, Vedanta's stake-holding partner, who spoke to IPS on condition of anonymity because "Vedanta has become a political issue".

But "Vedanta's corporate social responsibility however needs to shape up," he underscored.

In an email reply to IPS, Mukesh Kumar, Vedanta's chief operating officer at Lanjigarh, says that his company believes in sustainable development. "It is providing livelihood to tribal people through vegetable cultivation, pisciculture, poultry and goatery. Nutrition to children, health check-ups and malaria control are other programmes. Direct and indirect employment has been given to 20,000 people while 13 villages now have electricity," he added.

Meantime, the London-listed mining major Vedanta Resources Plc has been seeing international investors sell their stakes in it due to ethical concerns over the Orissa project. Britain's Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust is the latest to leave, after the Church of England, the Norwegian government and Martin Currie Investment Management.

Said woman tribal leader Kulunji Sikhola: "It is our land; we will sit - the Dongria people - and decide directly".

TerraViva, a UN journal / ipsterraviva.net/UN/currentNew.aspx?new=7210

Molestation cases in Govt Residential School for tribal girls

2010-02-25T05:06:00.000-08:00

Bhubaneswar, Feb 25 : A headmaster of a residential school in Orissa's Koraput district was suspended Thursday after allegations that he molested two girl students a number of times in the school premise, an official said.

Benu Hantal (35), a tribal, allegedly harassed the girls a number of times in the past month at the state-run residential school for tribal girls at Nuagoan village, about 500 km from here, a senior district administrative official said.

The matter came to light after the girls fled from the hostel last week and narrated their ordeal to their parents. The parents immediately complained to the authorities.

"We suspended the headmaster after prima facie evidence was found against him during a probe," the official said.

The headmaster is now absconding.

Key witness in Adivasi killings become news materials

2010-01-26T17:32:00.001-08:00

Room No. 2016 at the New Private Ward of All-India Institute of Medical Sciences here is playing host to a very special patient.

Sodi Sambho, who was brought to the Institute from Gompad village in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh five days ago, is set to undergo surgery for a bullet wound in her leg this Saturday. But what makes her special is that she is a key witness in a petition filed in the Supreme Court which alleges that security forces fired upon and killed nine Adivasis in a "sanitisation operation" in her village this past October 1. After she was detained on her way to Delhi, the Supreme Court directed the Chhattisgarh police not to prevent her from coming to the Capital for treatment.

Human rights activists and her lawyer, Colin Gonsalves, have expressed concern over the matter and alleged that strict police surveillance is being maintained over her movement and that she is being pressurised to change her statement. They allege she is under de facto police custody or surveillance and is not free to meet activists or journalists.

An attempt by this reporter to interact with her in her ward on Friday was thwarted by three men who refused to identify themselves and claimed to be her "well-wishers". One of them said he was a fellow-Adivasi from her village and had accompanied her to Delhi for her treatment. The second man, a non-Adivasi, claimed to be a "doctor" from outside Delhi but subsequently contradicted himself saying he was not a medical practitioner.

He said he already knew the Adivasi accompanying Ms. Sambho and decided to offer whatever help he could. The third non-Adivasi man, however, did not reveal anything about himself. Tall and well-built, he had a mop of close-cropped hair.

Though the two non-Adivasi men lacked any legal or professional authority to interfere in the work of a journalist, they denied The Hindu permission to directly speak with Ms. Sambho on the ground that she only understood Gondi. And one of them pounced on the photographer who was accompanying this reporter when he began clicking photographs.

One of the "well-wishers" threatened to "inform the police" and file a legal complaint if Ms. Sambho's picture, or a story about her, was published. He then forced the photographer to hand over the camera while demanding to see the photo identity cards. In the meantime, the third unidentified man who had just entered the room turned aggressive, took away the camera and deleted the pictures with practised ease. (As it turned out later, the photographer was able to retrieve and resurrect the pictures with the help of a special software embedded in the camera).

After several attempts, the head "well-wisher" agreed to let this reporter question the other Adivasi, who he said was the only person who could speak Hindi and Gondi. However, instead of conveying the queries to Ms. Sambho, he and the other unidentified man insisted on answering them directly without asking her.

The Adivasi man stated that they had the full support of the police and the hospital administration in Ms. Sambho's treatment. He denied any police personnel had accompanied her to Delhi or were monitoring her movement to pressurise her. "The Maoists were behind the attack in which Sambho was injured," he claimed.

As the "interview" proceeded, one of the "well-wishers" lost his temper, blaming this reporter for "disturbing the patient before her surgery".

For the record, however, the AIIMS doctors themselves never objected to The Hindu's attempt to meet Ms. Sambho.

January 16, 2010 / The Hindu

Cops booked for rape to rape of four Khond Adivasi women

2010-01-26T17:29:00.001-08:00

Stung by angry protests from activists of human rights groups, women and dalit organisations, a criminal case was registered on Tuesday against the special party police in connection with the alleged rape of four Khond Adivasi women in Baaluguda village of Munchingput mandal in Visakhapatnam district on January 22.

Based on a complaint from Baaluguda village secretary Ch Bhupathi, the police registered the case at Munchingput police station under section 376 of IPC as well as section 3 (12) of SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against the erring cops. Earlier, the police did not register a case when the villagers approached them. Instead, they told them only the victims could file a complaint.

Paderu revenue divisional officer Prasada Rao visited the village and conducted a 'secret' inquiry. Sources said he held a closed-door enquiry with two victims. When contacted, the RDO said he would submit a report to the higher officials. The government-appointed inquiry officer and Chintapally additional SP Syam Sundar merely said they could not proceed further as the victims have not complained about the incident.

The police served a notice on BSP leader Pangi Rajarao asking him to present evidences of the alleged rape. Meanwhile, former Chintapalli MLA G Demudu has criticised the attitude of the government, especially tribal welfare minister, for not reacting strongly to the heinous act of the police.

Meanwhile, the women and rights activists have demanded filing of criminal cases against the cops responsible for the alleged rape. They alleged that the police were trying to hush up the matter. They said the Greyhounds cops entered the houses of the four women after rounding up nine tribal men in the name of helping the Maoists and allegedly raped them. Six of the men were let off after bindover cases were registered, while criminal cases were booked against three others and remanded to judicial custody.

"Even five days after the heinous crime was committed by the policemen, no criminal case has been registered and the police did not conduct investigation either," K Padma of Mahila Chetana group said.

Sources said 50 Greyhounds cops along with Munchingput SI Keshav Rao swooped on the village in the early hours of Jan 22. The activists said though the district SP had appointed the Chintapalli ASP to enquire into the allegations, the ASP did not bother to visit the village and speak with the victims. "The local police are threatening the tribals with dire consequences if they speak out," K Venkata Ramana of a tribal welfare association said.

The activists are askance as to why no witness examination, collection of circumstantial evidence, medical and laboratory examination and identification parade have been taken up till now. It may be recalled that 11 Khond women were allegedly raped by the Greyhounds personnel on August 20, 2007, in Vakapally village in Vizag Agency and the National ST Commission had recommended in December 2007 to the AP government that the case be handed over to the CBI.

TNN, 27 January 2010

Study reveals migration of Adivasi has increased from forests; even the forest cover was not altered

2010-01-24T09:58:00.001-08:00

A recent study by a group of researchers has revealed that the migration of tribals from the forested parts of eastern Gujarat has increased, even from those places, where the forest cover was not altered.

The study said a section of tribal youths has reduced their dependence on the forests and prefer migrating to the cities. The research was carried out by experts in social sciences and scientific studies and conducted with the help of the Gujarat state and the Centre.

The findings were made public at a national workshop entitled "Changing behaviour of forests and its impact on the livelihood of tribals in eastern Gujarat", organized by the Vadodara-based think tank, Centre for Culture and Development (CCD).

The findings showed that from areas where the forest cover remained unchanged since 1971 to 2001, migration doubled to 37.69 %.

"It appears that in recent times, the tribals are not as dependent for their livelihood entirely on the forests or forest products. They also depend on alternative sources of livelihood such as dairy farming, horticulture, and agriculture."

This observation has to be seen in light of the continued alienation of tribals from the forests that had no way out except migrating seasonally, temporarily and permanently in search of livelihood," the researchers said. The study was conducted with the help of satellite imagery and census reports provided by the state and the Centre.

The study further showed disparity between the census data from 1971 and 2001 and satellite imagery data from the years 1972, 1990 and 2007. "According to the 1971 census, there was 9.89 % forest cover of the total study area (eastern Gujarat) and the same had increased to 11.75 % in the 2001 census. As per the latest Working Plan (of the state government), the forest area cover in Gujarat is 11.83 %. The 1972 satellite imagery shows 21.33 % area under forest cover compared to 17.17 % in 2000.

The 1990 imagery shows 14 %, while the 2007 imagery shows 16.18 % forest cover of the total study area, the findings revealed.

The experts headed by the director of CCD, Dr Lancey Lobo further said that forest area decreased by 1 % in anticipation of claims on land to be made under the Forest Rights Act of 2006 between the period 2000 and 2007.

News Source: Indianexpress, 14 January 2010

Chhattisgarh lost the battle

2010-01-20T08:22:00.001-08:00

The people of Chhattisgarh appear to have lost the battle against industrialisation without rules. Even those who held out longest against the acquisition of their lands, forests and rivers are giving up the fight.

"Things are not what they used to be," laments an old man in one of Raigarh district's 290 villages in North Chhattisgarh. Here, land issues have been central to the lives of the people who live off the land -- mainly farmers and indigenous people. The state of Chhattisgarh was carved out of the state of Madhya Pradesh in 2000.

Seventy-nine per cent of Chhattisgarh's population lives in rural areas and 45% are below the poverty line. With 35% of its geographical area under cultivation, agriculture is the mainstay of its economy. Almost 80% of the working population is dependent on agro-based livelihood, but the irrigated area in the state is only 16% of the total area, according to government figures.

Forests, rivers, and fertile farmland have been taken over by flourishing industries backed by an unjust state. For several years, thousands have been displaced despite violent activism by the oppressed. Rivers have been bought and diverted leaving hundreds of villages thirsty and acres of farmland parched. Tribal people, who have roamed these mineral-rich forests for centuries, have been forced to seek employment and adapt to a different way of life as industries continue to encroach upon their lifestyle. Protected forest land has been sold to greedy miners who exploit its riches without considering the disastrous effect of industrialisation on the flora and fauna.

The state has been the first in the country to go to the extent of selling rivers such as the Sheonath and Kelo to a private owner who will use it to supply water to industries. This is just the beginning. Industrialists are lining up to pour money into Chhattisgarh in return for extracting a great deal more from it and, in the absence of just legislation and regulation, destroying both its people and the environment.

With the state government itching to meet an investment target of US $ 3 trillion by 2010, indiscriminate industrialisation is inevitable. Crucially, access to, use of, and control over, water resources, is becoming an issue in Chhattisgarh and has led to the emergence of people's movements against government policies on water issues.

The movement started in 1998 in Boda Tikra village in Raigarh district. A tribal woman lost her life after fasting to death. A decade later, the Kelo river she fought to save has been lost too.

Elsewhere, villagers of Rabo and Danot have sold their land, some after holding out for a considerably long time. Many have run through whatever money they received in compensation and regret their decision to sell.

Another centre of resistance is Gare village where villagers are resisting the sale of their land by enduring bullets, baton-wielding policemen and intimidation by industrialists.

Boda Tikra: A forgotten sacrifice

Over a decade ago, Satyabhama's simple protest fast to oppose the privatisation of the Kelo river, on which 10 other villages depended, ended in her death from starvation. A decade later, her son, Ram bhoi (30), a labourer, remembers his mother, "Many people want to know what happened that day but nobody does anything for us. My parents were simple labourers, and my mother went to fight for water for the villagers alone."

Ram bhoi, who has five siblings, alleges foul play: "She was taken to a hospital after 10 days of fasting. My father was with her. She wasn't in a serious condition when admitted. She was 40 at the time of her death in 1998."

Satyabhama was fighting on behalf of 10 villages which would be affected by a plant belonging to Jindal Steel and Power Ltd. In 1996, JSPL was denied permission to draw water from the Kelo river for industrial purposes as the District Water Utilisation Council felt that the river's waters would be inadequate to meet both industrial and drinking water needs of Raigarh town.

However, in 1997, the company managed to secure permission from a state-level committee to construct a check-dam across the river and sink wells to draw more than 35,000 cubic metres of water daily. Nearly 250 families dependent on river fishing saw their catches plummet after the construction of JSPL's check-dam.

Satyabhama's sacrifice has been forgotten, though what she feared has come to pass. These days the residents of Boda Tikra cannot manage with the borewells – their major source of water supply now that the river has been depleted -- as they dry up in summer. Every January 26, the day of her death, her family prays at her memorial which they erected in the village. "The villagers don't join us even though she died for them. The protest stopped the day after she died. People were bribed in the village. Nobody raised a voice," says Kritya, Satyabhama's eldest daughter.

Rabo and Danot submerged

The fields in the villages of Rabo and Danot, also in Raigarh district, have been submerged by a dam built four years ago for the 1,000 megawatt (MW) Tamnar hydel power project of the Jindals. Farmers sold their land to the government, which leased it out to the Jindals for the power project. The farmers were promised jobs but have found only temporary employment.

"Today we didn't go to work because they said there was no work. Some families have left because of this. We sold our lands because we had no choice – the fields would be submerged anyway. There have been no benefits from the dam for us. Only the Tamnar power plant stood to gain. We used to get wood from the area, grow rice and vegetables, but not now," says a woman who did not want to be named.

"They bring men from other states to work here, so if there's an accident, the locals won't revolt as the affected party is an outsider. This way they can't make a union to fight with the company," said a labourer in Rabo village.

Ram Pradhan (name changed), whose wife is a member of the panchayat of Rabo village, recalls how the protest fell apart.

"A year after the protests began, farmers lost interest. Some went behind our backs and took cheques from the government. Gradually, their numbers increased."

In 2002-2003, state government representatives had surveyed the area for the hydel power project and subsequently presented a proposal to the panchayat. The villagers did not sign anything, yet in 2004, the work on the project began without their consent. They realised later that the state had sold off their land by bribing some panchayat members.

"We even visited the chief minister. When they started encroaching on our land, we stopped them from taking the machinery through the village. On October 13, 2004, we started protesting in nine villages. Now seven villages are already submerged," said Ram Pradhan.

Champibai of Rupunga village was a rebel icon, who protested alongside noted activist Medha Patkar. She sold her land after years of protesting as support for the cause declined. "What could I do if one by one the people who stood by me began to leave?" she asks. She now works as a gardener for the employers she protested against.

A villager from Danot alleges that the sarpanchs, or village heads, and the police connive with industrialists and approve the handover of the land rights to them in return for money. That's how the Kelo river was sold, they claim.

A resettlement plan was approved by the state government in Danot village but the residents are unhappy with it. "The amount of money that we were given for our land was paltry. Even the chief minister said that we would be compensated handsomely and we had it on paper, but the collector wouldn't abide by it. The houses they have given us in exchange are very small compared to the ones we had and are in the middle of nowhere," says a villager. Almost 110 farmers from 70 villages have filed a case against the government for not giving them just compensation for their land.

They allege that the jan sunwai or public hearing that is mandatory before such projects are approved, was held in inaccessible areas so hardly anyone attended.

According to social activist Ramesh Agarwal of the NGO Lok Shakti, 22 companies operate in Raigarh district in the midst of reserved forests with a population of 3,64,287. Activists have moved the courts since 2004 against the Jindals and others. "We even approached the Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court against Jindal Steel and Power Limited. There's no alternative to the judiciary."

Over 1.5 lakh people depend on the Kelo river which has been polluted by the industries. Some 70 villages depend on water supplied by tankers that is sold by Jindal. Hand-pumps have dried up. "These people are just beginning to understand the implications of industrialisation without rules. Members of committees appointed by the government to resolve these problems are also on the boards of most of these companies, so there is a conflict of interest," says Agarwal.

Gare: A battle still to be won

Gare lies almost 40 km from Raipur, the capital of Chhattisgarh. A coal-based power plant is to be constructed in Gare, but the locals are fighting the project with all their might. Gare is the only village in the district that has successfully resisted industrialisation. In the public hearing or jan sunwai held on January 5, 2008, the villagers were threatened that they would be arrested and jailed if they protested on the streets and blocked traffic.

That did not stop the protests and more than 50 men and women were jailed. But because of the presence of the media, they were released, says Savita Rath, a young activist. The resistance continues to date and though a few have sold their land, most have held out. Savita says this is because the protestors are under a good leader who cannot be corrupted or intimidated. Dr H P Patel has been able to organise the movement, collect money and help people travel from far-off villages to join the resistance movement.

There are at least five coal mines and one sponge iron plant in the area, and one coal mine that is seeking to expand. The industrialists, including Jindal Steel and Power Ltd and Jayaswal Neco Ltd, have tried various means to break the movement. Six youngsters who were part of the resistance movement were charged with rape and could not secure bail. Their parents approached the only entity that could exert pressure on the police -- a powerful industrialist who was struggling to establish a base there. The boys were released and their families became the first ones to sell out in 2009.

Dr Patel complains that "men have been bribed. People who have sold the land haven't been paid. Sixty per cent of the participants in this agitation are women. People from neighbouring villages have sold their land for as little as Rs 80,000, but those who held their ground managed to get the company to raise the amount to Rs 8 lakh."

Patel has cleverly crafted the resistance strategy. He has managed to set up a fund to run the movement. Every Saturday, each family gives Re 1 during their weekly meetings. This amounts to Rs 170 per week, which is used to make food for the protestors who have set up road blocks.

For people like 85-year-old Munudai, who has spent almost all her life in Gare, it is vital that the resistance continues. "I was seven years old when I moved here. My parents and grandparents used to farm. Where will we go if they displace us after the village is submerged? I will not move come what may," she says.

Dr Anupama Saxena, associate professor in the department of political science at Bilaspur University, and director of the Women's Studies and Development Centre, Guru Ghasidas University, Bilaspur, is studying the perils of displacement and gender. The women suffer the most during displacement, she says. "No one takes their opinions into account, despite the fact that they are central to the family structure, and most times, contribute equally to the household economy."

Unkept promises, underhand means

Where rapid and unregulated industrialisation has occurred, it has been achieved by misleading and cheating the villagers whose land is crucial for any project. Rajesh Tripathi, a local activist, explains: "Villagers are offered only temporary labour jobs. First, the industrialists target the small farmers whose land is not fertile and who readily sell the land. Then they home in on the rest. This has happened in Janjgir village.

"They bribe farmers not to oppose them in the jan sunwai. In each village 30% of labourers don't own land but used to work for the farmers. Now they work as labourers in the factories. So now there's a labour problem too."

Another activist from Raigarh, Shiv Rajput of Lok Shakti, says that the "scheming" industralists work by splitting the resistance. "There is no unity to fight this, so this makes our movement weak. The industrialists have appointed people/officials in the village to split the movement. Industrialists target the one who has more responsibility or is vociferous in the resistance movement like the sarpanch, and they bribe him. As a result, the rest lose faith in the movement and it breaks."

Farmer-turned-activist Chandrashekhar learnt his lesson the hard way. He was one of the few who did sell his land in Gare, and lives to regret it.

"I got Rs 1 lakh for the land I sold, so I bought clothes for the family, some gold for my wife, a bike and a television. Now I have finished my money. This has happened to almost 55% of villagers. Only 25% of people have bought land with that money. We still haven't been able to bring up the environmental concerns as we are still grappling with monetary problems."

Chandrashekhar now travels extensively all across the state advising illiterate farmers about the serious implications of selling their land. On his visit to a neighbouring village, he lectures, "Your land is a buried treasure that all your generations will profit from. The money they will give you will only benefit one or two generations. Eventually, the money will run out. If you don't farm then the food will be less. More people are illiterate here so they can't gauge long-term implications. Industrialists adopt villages and build schools, clinics, hospitals etc and people see that as progress. They fail to notice the negative implications and soon become dependent on the facilities, which can be withdrawn at any time. The wages of the villagers depend on the amount of land sold. A cut also goes to the contractors."

There is progress of a sort in the region, however. Workers from outside the state have been brought in to work in the industries, so villagers rent their homes to them, and some have opened shops to cater to them.

The farce of the Jan Sunwai

The jan sunwai or public hearing is a mandatory exercise and part of the process to clear projects as required by the Ministry of Environment and Forests. Officials analyse issues to be studied and then consult the public. The state pollution control board advertises the day and venue of the hearing so that the public can be present to voice its concerns.

In practice, though, the jan sunwai is easily subverted. In the case of the Tamnar hydel project, for instance, the jan sunwai was held in inaccessible areas so hardly anyone attended.

Ramesh Agarwal of the NGO Lok Shakti explains that the literacy rate here is just 15-20%, so people are unable to understand everything, and particularly not the highly technical reports.. But since it is all on the record, the people cannot claim that they were not told. "It is just a drama so that people can't go to court in future saying that they were unaware of the environmental and health hazards," Agarwal says.

"People don't play a role in decision-making, then how can you call it a public hearing?" asks Agarwal. "We visit the spot after reading the report and it is very hard for us also to cross-check as we don't have any special expertise. We have to go door-to-door asking people to participate in protesting this degradation of the environment."

A jan sunwai is being held in Janjgir village for the expansion of a coal mining project of the ubiquitous Jindal group. Lots of policemen wait at the entrance of a crowded park in case the crowd turns violent. "My friends and I have come to participate in the show," said a woman who has come from Janjgir village. Some youngsters were drunk. "First we used to drink mahua (the local brew) now we drink Aristocrat like you," boasted Rakesh who had just sold his land for the expanded coal mine.

On stage, officials of the Ministry of Environment and Forests introduce themselves and welcome the crowd to discuss the expansion of the open cast mine that currently produces 6 million tonnes of coal. A 60-year-old man from Amgaon village in Janjgir says: "I've observed the changing lifestyle all my life and asked God for betterment of society. God answered my prayers and sent Jindal. So much of development has occurred because of them. Those days we didn't even have bicycles, now we have bikes and mobiles and cars. Connectivity has increased. I support Jindal wholeheartedly."

There's commotion as those in the opposition object. The gathering is obviously teeming with many pro-Jindal supporters.

Gopinath Patel, a villager, speaks up against the projected expansion: "People are being bribed and coerced. Promises are being broken. People are promised jobs and then they are denied after the land is bought. Officials take advantage of their illiteracy. Water levels in the wells are constantly deteriorating. I object to Jindal's intervention in this region, I beg you not to give him the permission to expand his project."

A young businessman comments caustically, "They will build schools, but they will also declare a holiday in the same school if they need the premises for a meeting. Three blasts take place in a day while mining and the school building even cracked during the blasting process."

In a hut around 100 metres away from the commotion of the jan sunwai, Nandu, proud owner of 50 acres of land, smokes a bidi and says, "My great grandmother worked on this land. We won't sell out. They offered Rs 1 to 1.5 lakh for the whole area. They want to displace the whole village for coal mining. Where will we go? Will he give land to all of us? I don't think so. Washing and ingestion of water is already causing problems. We never needed bore wells but now we do. Trees become black because of the pollution when it doesn't rain."

Unless the situation in the remote villages changes due to public or judicial intervention, or through awareness created by civil society, the environmental impact and the devastating problems that will arise through massive internal displacement will plague the people of Chhattisgarh for several decades to come.

Dilnaz Boga

How Nehru’s Panchsheel ruined Adivasis?

2010-01-06T23:25:00.001-08:00

The India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nerhu, who is also known as the architect of modern India, once said, "Dams are the temples of modern India." According to him, the big dams would address the issues of hunger and poverty of India. Unfortunately, the big dams only created pains, sufferings and sorrows to the owners (mostly the Adivasis; the indigenous people of India) of the lands, which submerged into the temples of modern India. Similarly, the big industries like Heavy Engineering Corporation, Bokaro Steel Limited, steel companies, coal mining and other mining industries created only misery for the Adivasis. Consequently, the Adivasis became landless, daily wage labourers and servants of the bigwigs after losing their land, forest, water and other livelihood resources.

Ironically, the architect of modern India did not create space for the Adivasis in their own modern country. He only inspired them to add more sufferings in their lives for the sake of national interest, saying, "If you are to suffer, you must suffer in the interest of the country." Perhaps, the Adivasis never know what it means by the national interest because they are the people who have always suffered for the national interest but they never enjoyed the fruits of the national interest, they were also not given place in the India history and not even memorized in the holy land of martyrs in the national capital. Needless to say, the architect of modern India did not even bother to count the people who have suffered in the interest of the country, which counts nearly 50 million, who have sacrificed everything for the national interest. Among them 40 percent are Adivasis, 20 percent are Dalits and rest 40 percent are the people of other backward classes. Indeed, the elites never suffer for the national interest as they are born only to enjoy their lives and of course the country protects them in every possible manner.

However, when the issues of the Adivasis are discussed, Nehru is always remembered for his 'Panchsheel for tribal development', which is also called the five pillars of the tribal development. But does his panchsheel work for the Adivasis? Of course, it doesn't. In fact, Nehru himself went against of the principles of Panchsheel and so the Congress party and other Indian rulers. The history suggests that some policies were made only to close the Adivasis tongues. According to Vincent Ekka of the Indian Social Institute, whenever the Adivasis protest against unjust policies of the state, they are given some rights on paper to keep them silent like the barking dogs are treated. Obviously, Nehru's Panchsheel is the best in principle but the worst in practice as it was made for keeping silent to the barking dogs.

1. Non-imposition: The first pillar of Panchsheel says that the Adivasis should be allowed to progress according to their own pace and understanding of the situation. In principle, it seems to be very good but practically, the Indian government went against of it. The most important question is, how can you ask to the Adivasis to go with their pace and understanding if you snatch their livelihood resources in the name of the national interest and also do not provide them any support? The idea of Nehru was just like a day dreaming. The fact is the Adivasis' indigenous method of development was never counted by people of the mainstream of the society and the corporate development model was imposed on them instead. The Indian rulers never walk on their talk for the Adivasis. In the last 6 decades, many policies were made, which displaced, dispossessed and deprived the Adivasis from their livelihood resources but rehabilitation was never a concern for the Indian government at all but of course, they were much concerned for the corporate houses.

2. Respect of tribal customs: The second pillar of Panchsheel also did not work because the Adivasi tradition, culture and customs were never accepted by the Aryan invaders. Only the folk songs and dances of the Adivasis were romanticized in some extent but the tradition, culture and ethos, which are based on community living, equality for all and need based economy were always neglected, depicted as the worst and destroyed in many ways. Similarly, the religion of Adivasis was not recognized by the Indian constitution though many other religions emerged much later in India got recognition in the constitution. As a result, thousands of the Adivasis accepted other religions, religious enmity was created among them and thousands of their sacred groves were destroyed in the name of 'development'. Where is the principle of Panchsheel buried?

3. Development of tribal youth: The third pillar speaks about the leadership of the Adivasis. But the fact of the matter is the Adivasi leadership is not acceptable to the so-called people of the mainstream of the Indian society. The history proves that the Adivasis legend Baba Tilka Manjhi was the first man to fight against the Britishers in 1780 and hanged subsequently but he was not recognized by historians of the mainstream. Similarly, the other Adivasis leaders - Sidho-Kanhu, Birsa Munda, Fulo-Jhano, Nilambar-Pitambar and many others fought against the British government but they were not given space in the India history as they deserved to. Therefore, the Nehru's third pillar doesn't make any sense to the Adivasis. As far as the Adivasis are concerned, they have always groomed, inspired and promoted the youth leadership in their community.

4. Simplicity of Administration: The fourth Pillar of Panchsheel seems to be very well idea as the Adivasis' strong traditional self governance system exists even today, which the Britishers did not able to destroy and finally they accepted it and made laws for its protection and promotion. Ironically, the rulers of modern India including Nehru did not accept the Adivasis' TSG. Instead, he preferred the voluntary agencies for carrying out the development works in the Adivasi regions. The Adivasis' traditional self governance was not accepted precisely because it was a biggest threat to the authorities of Indian rulers. Though the Indian constitution has some provisions for the Adivasis regions as 5th and 6th schedules but there was no attempt made for strengthening of the traditional self governance of the Adivasis. In fact, the Indian rulers wanted the Adivasis regions under their control therefore they imposed numbers of legislations – forest Acts, Laws in the name of the protection of wild life, Land related laws, mining Acts and civil as well as criminal laws. Finally, they captured the natural resources of these regions and exploited it as much as they could.

5. Emphasis on human growth: The fifth pillar of Panchsheel emphasizes on human growth in term of the living standards, which is really appreciable. But as far as the Adivasis are concerned, they are not accepted as human being in India even today. They are always portrayed as uncivilized, sub-human, demons, forest-dwellers and mindless people. The Aryans invaders never treat the Adivasis as equal human beings. The Adivasis are always racially discriminated, exploited and dispossessed. The question is if you take away the livelihood resources of Adivasis without providing them alternatives, discriminated them and treat like sub-human then how can you expect their human growth? The Adivasis regions lack education, health facilities, drinking water, sanitation and shelter even today due to the deliberate inhuman treatment of the Indian rulers with the Adivasis.

Undoubtedly, Nehru is the architect of modern India, but it is also the fact that his modern temples of India, industrialization process and corporate model of development are the main reasons of the Adivasis' pains, sufferings and sorrows. Indeed, he is the architect of the Adivasis' misery. Today, millions of the Adivasis are struggling for their survival, which credit goes to Nehru and his Congress Party. Later on, the right wing and the left wing also added salt on the wounds. Therefore, now we (the Adivasis) must realize that no one can fight for us but we have to fight for ourselves. If we protect our natural resources today, we would be ensuring a better future for our children tomorrow. Before, we go for another movement against displacement, we must pray to our super natural God for not to forgive Nehru because he knew what he did for us. He created misery for us, he ensured that we must suffer and he turned our heaven into hell. His temples of modern India dispossessed us, his temples of modern India exploited us and his temples of modern India created graves for us.

Gladson Dungdung

gladson@jharkhandi.com

Jharkhand vote mining

2009-12-14T06:39:00.001-08:00

The truth that prevails in Jharkhand is that, all political parties are treating people of Jharkhand for granted, as if they are fools. Blood group of almost all the political parties are + C. Short form of PLUS CORRUPTION.

Arjun Munda had gone all the way to London to the residence of Mr. Laxmi Mittal to pursuade him not to withdraw from the soil of Jharkhand. WHY? Fact is natural wealth of the state is for looting in the name of mining but instead of taking up the remedial measures to correct the mistakes, he tried to justify his actions in the name of development. Whose development he is talking about? He has no moral right to point his finger at others as corrupt.

BJP talks of farmers rights and not to forcibly acquire any farm land but at Chhattisgarh where they are in power have bluntly hijacked the constitutional rights of tribals, even at the cost of making mockery of PESA to forcibly acquire land of over 1500 tribal familes at Lohandiguda for greenfield steel plant of Tatas.

Salwa Judum has resulted in destruction of over 644 villages displacing about 3.5 Lakh tribals in Dantewada area of Chhattisgarh.

Salwa Judum is led by a congress leader with support coming in from the BJP run state government. This is the area where best quality of iron ore reserves are located beneth the soil. But in the name of combating naxalites, all the mischiefs are made with innocent tribals, many of whom have been killed in fake encounters. But none of the party speaks a single word about what is going on. Why? But in Jharkhand, they show a different face.

Congress has also miserably failed to discharge its duties as the opposition party in Odisha, to safeguard the interest of the tribals but talks big as if they are the only party championing the cause of tribals, despite mining scam has been well exposed now. Do Congress have any moral right to point finger at the sins of corrupt Madhu Koda, who was in power with their support only. Can Koda alone swallow the cake of Rs. 5000 crore or even much bigger than that without the blessings of the supporting parties?

About Mr. Editor: Now a day, most of the Media has gone in to the hands of corporations who have their own priorities rather than to perform their duties as the fourth pillar of the democracy. Mr. Editor of the leading daily you are talking about is doing what he is asked to do for which he is paid. Owner of that leading newspaper must have his own interest to bake the cake in the oven of that particular party for whom Mr. Editor sings the song. Such persons have no moral right to stay there for even a single day. This is one more example to expose how media is sold out playing as a tool in the hands of political parties.

What does that Mr. Editor wants to say by saying now or never? Does he think that this is the last election and end of democracy for the people of Jharkhand, if they do not vote for a particular party of his choice? Ridiculous!

Jharkhandis have suffered a lot and much more after the sate was carved out of undivided Bihar. Spineless, corrupt and inefficient people have not only mortgaged the long term interest of the people of Jharkhand but have also been instrumental in large scale demographic attack on the tribal areas resulting in to erosion of their centuries old well preserved culture.

In the name of development, these leaders, who got an opportunity to come to power have sold the state. Are all those corrupt faces any less than the Mir Jafars or Jaychands? What both these biggest traitors of our history have done is now being done by the present day rules of the state, irrespective of which party they belong to. By redefining the definations of development, the only agenda for them to to pocket large sums of money by inking Mous and allow natural wealth for loot in the name of captive mining at a laughably low rate of royalty. Why no body talks about inviting global tender for mines when we talk of globalisation and are a member of WTO. But if this is done, games of inking Mous will be over, which no politicians will like.

Rich land but Poor People is no more a puzzle to crack. Even poor tribals have understood the secret of inking MoUs.

Tragedy is that the very police who are duty bound to protect the lives and property of the citizens by the virtue of oath they have taken under the constitution of India are behaving as the private army of the eagle eyed corporations.

Pravin Patel

The Jharkhand Assembly Election is at its peak. The Congress promises for prosperous Jharkhand, the BJP assures for free lunch (rice and wheat at Rs.1per kg and salt at 25 paisa) and the JMM vows for overthrowing the fear, hunger and corruption into bay, the communists bat for better state and the other smaller parties dream of glorious Jharkhand. The film stars are engaged in the operation vote hunt, the security forces are deployed for ensuring the people's democratic rights (only right to vote) and the Maoists are engaged (by their Netas) in the activities of disrupting it. However, Mr. Editor of a leading daily is also busy in his own invented media election campaigns. He writes in his special column, "If you miss the opportunity, you have to pay for it". He goes on writing, "You have undergone through the painful experienced for last nine years therefore at least, vote for your children, family, society, Jharkhand and India, of course."

I just laugh on the passionate aspiration of Mr. Editor. Precisely, because how can one expect any miraculous change for the state, from those corrupt politicians, who are born only to grab the public money. How can one suddenly forget about the corruption icon Madhu Kora, who was mines minister in Arju Munda (BJP) led NDA government and of course, he bagged huge public money in UPA term. Can you vote for those politicians who replaced Babulal Marandi with Arjun Munda (flag bearer of corruption) only because he did not allow them to grab the public money? The foundation stone of corruption was laid down in Jharkhand by the blackmailers (MLAs) of JD(U) and Samta Party (now all co-travelers of Nitish Kumar) supported by the BJP in 2003, now making lots of noises against corruption indeed.

What would you name them who had hijacked Jharkhand Party's MLA, Enos Ekka by special chopper and later on transported to Jaipur by a chartered plane with other 4 Independents and 36 NDA MLAs in 2005 after the election results was declared? They decided about the fate of Jharkhand in the five-star Hotel in Jaipur. Similarly, how can we believe in the Congress, who betrayed the Jharkhand for many times, defeated its own supported Chief Minister (Sibu Soren) and engaged in doing all possible attempts to acquire power in the state? But when we have no option in the so-called democracy, we have to choose our leaders among bad and the worst leaders. Even if we boycott the election, the government will be formed in one or other way. Therefore, the voting is on and we are praying to the God, "Give us at least bad leaders not the worst, let win the less corrupt leaders not the most corrupted ones and let's breathe peacefully for choosing small criminals not the Dons.

Most of the Jharkhandis (believe, talk and walk on the values of Jharkhandi culture) are afraid, anxious and worried about their destiny as the National Election Watch regularly reports us, "Your expected MLAs, whom you would be handing over your destiny for the next five years are Millionaires, Tainted and Criminals. However, the dance of democracy is underway. The percentage of the vote is overwhelming with 52 %, 54 % and 55 % in the first, second and third phases respectively, which seems to be resulting in favour of the Congress-JVM alliance. If the trend continues the congress-JVM alliance can get nearly 30 to 35 seats and form the government with the support of the JMM which is expected to bag nearly 10 to 15 seats.

If everything goes well, the JMM would like to join the Congress alliance for three obvious reasons - one to avoid further trouble of the investigation agencies, second, it would like to bring more central fund to Jharkhand with the holy relationship between the centre and state governments and third, to stop the operation green hunt as many Maoists have joined the democratic process through the JMM. In that case, the UPA's unwelcome alliance partners – Lalu and Paswan will be marginalized once again. Obviously, there would be some impact of the Liberahan Commission's Report in the election as some sort of polarization in the favour of the Congress alliance is well noticed and if it continues the JD(U)'s Muslim voters can desert the party which would be clear loss to the NDA.

However, if some quick changes take place in the polls of 4th and 5th phases, the BJP alliance can reverse back and change the game by winning nearly 25 to 30 seats, which would surely result in forming of the government with the support of the AJSU and the JMM. Don't' forget, the JMM will not hesitate in joining hands with any alliance for acquiring power in the state (apparently, now the party seems to become power grabbing party rather than the Jharkhandi party, which fights for the Jharkhandi identity, culture and ethos). Obviously, Guruji Sibu Soren would remember Madhu Kora's recent jail journey (when the Congress was unable to digest the huge turn out in Madhu Kora's election campaigns despite a hue and cry on misappropriation of 4000 crore and regular attack from the all corners).

Another factor needs to be mentioned here is, if the Maoist Bandh hit the state, the BJP will be in the driving seat. The history suggests, in the Lok Sabh election 2004, the BJP had won merely 1 seat despite it was ruling at the centre and the state as well. In the general election 2009, it won 8 seats despite losing many states. Apparently, it is not because the BJP is very popular in the state but the Maoists bandh worked in favour of the BJP. The rural voters did not turned out in the large numbers due to Maoist threat and the urban voters (mostly the business community) voted for the BJP. But let's not forget, the situation has rapidly changed and despite the Maoist thereat, the rural people are voting and the urban voters are not very keen in casting their votes, which can shock to the BJP.

The BJP is also suffering from the leadership crisis, which is in the public domain. The congress is campaigning with Sonia, Manmohan and Rahul in the front page but BJP still wants the Vajpayee's charisma. Its ads show Vajpayee as prominent leader followed by Advani and Rajnath. In that case, how can voters would be interested to vote for a person, whom they have not seen for such a long time? It is also very clear that Vajpayee was part of the Ayodhya movement, which Murli Manohar Joshi publicly revealed in Varanashi recently, which would surely cost the BJP and the NDA at large. It is also because the BJP sings the same song every time.

However, there is no hope for the Adivasis, in whose name the state was formed. The Adivasis would be the most suffers for another five years. If the Congress alliance forms the government, the operation green hunt will be started, where Adivasis would be humiliated, tortured, raped, jailed and killed in the name of the Maoists on the one hand and the corporate development model would be promoted under the shadow of the guns and the democratic people's movement would be crashed on the other. Similarly, if the BJP alliance forms the government, there would be another operation white hunt against the Christian Adivasis operated by the RSS with the supported of the state government. The BJP would also make operational of 54 MoUs singed by Arjun Munda government with the support of operation green hunt. There would be more and more police firing, torture and brutality on the people's democratic movements (it was seen during the last NDA regime). The natural resources of the state would be sold to the multinationals and people will remain the poor.

Unfortunately, the Jharkhand is treated merely like an economic and political state by both the national parties – the Congress and the BJP. Their leaders failed to understand that the Jharkhand was formed as a cultural state followed by political and economic bindings. Therefore, only the regional parties (who understand about the Jharkhandi identity, culture and ethos) can meet its aspirations. There is a thrust need of a regional party like DMK, who can engineer the destiny of the state. The JMM could have played that role but it has lost the track in capturing the power. Indeed, the national parties will lead the coalition government with the instructions of the Big Boss and the regional parties would not be in the position to form the government. Therefore, the mandate of the Assembly Election 2009 would not be for engineering the destiny of Jharkhand but it would be for the operation Jharkhand hunt, no matter whether it would be in the form of operation green, white or red hunt.

Gladson Dungdung

Security forces raid in the Naxal village

2009-12-04T14:26:00.001-08:00

On the 9th of November, 2009, security forces had raided the village of Tatemargu of Konta Block, Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh.

Once news of the approaching forces reached the village, all the villagers ran into the jungle with what they could carry. They scattered in all directions and only returned once they got news that the security forces had left their village. They returned to find burning homes and distraught villagers who were taken into custody by the security forces, and then released in the village itself. They told the rest of the villagers their stories and identified those who was taken away. Many took their time to return from the jungle. And only once all the villagers were back and reunited, did they begin to piece together what had happened – and who was missing.

Eventually, the villagers received news from villages closer to Kistaram, some fourteen kilometers away, that seven people were killed near the police station.

One of them was Madkam Idma from Tatemargu who ran with most of the villagers when news of the approaching forces reached them. However, he turned back to his home to collect some food to survive in the jungle. He was inevitably captured with some 14 other villagers, and was one of four of his village, who were taken towards Kistaram police station, where they were reportedly shot dead on the 10th of November.

Two villagers from Doghpar, who were working in the fields, were apprehended prior to the raid on Tatemargu, and were also shot dead.

Security forces had also raided the village of Pallodi, some 12 kilometres from Tatemargu, where they reportedly burnt some 30 homes and apprehended Madvi Joga, who was also shot dead as a Naxalite, taking the total dead to seven.

'With so much difficulty I bring my children up, and this is what happens.' Says Madkam Jogi, mother of the young Madkam Idma, who was described as a shy reclusive young man of twenty. She also had to clear the rubble from her home with her remaining son, who is around fourteen years old. She has around 10 acres of land and lost around 20 quintal or rice in the fire that consumed her home.

Eventually, a few of the villagers decided to go to Kistaram police station to recover the bodies. At the police station, they were told that the bodies were taken away. They returned, dejected and confused, and would eventually begin to assess all the damage to their homes and their produce.

Some villagers would also begin to rebuild their homes with whatever they could find. However, most of them are still afraid to return to their homes out of fear that the security forces would return. They now live in the fields or in the jungle.

At Tatemargu, there were around sixty burnt homes disproportionately damaged. Some were raised to the ground, and others were partially saved from the fire by the villagers. Some were made of brick and cement and others were smaller homes made of mud and hay. Some homes survived in their entirety with all their produce while others were burnt to the ground with everything in them – along with bicycles, clothes, money, radios and even the bell-gaadis.

One villager, Kalmu Soma, who has around 30 acres of land, lost around 60 quintals of rice, around 20 quintals of Mahua, a solar plate and its battery, a motorcycle and his home. Another, Vanjam Mungdroo, who has around 3 acres of land, lost around 3 quintals of rice, 1 quintal of Mahua, 2 goats, a chicken and his home.

Vanjam Idma lost 10 quintals of rice, 2 quintals of Mahua, 30 kilograms of imli and both of his homes.

Sodi Sukda, lost around 40 quintals of rice, 7 quintals of Mahua and a house of cement and brick that took him five years to build.

Hoongi Madkam, age forty, managed to save her house and her produce but lost her husband, Oonga Madkam.

Sukda Raja, age 50, lost his brother, Dodhi Raja.

'These kinds of things happen in war' – is what the visiting Naxalites would tell the villagers.

The Combing Operation

On the day of the raid, which started around 11 in the morning, a few villagers, were apprehended by the security forces and then eventually released. They were kept in separate groups under different guard. Five were kept in one group, and ten in another. The two villagers from Doghpar were kept in the group of five.

According to the ones who were released, the security forces numbered to more than five hundred and they would begin to capture the goats, the chickens and the ducks of the village of Tatemargu and start cooking them in separate areas. There is no exact estimate on the number of animals eaten by the security forces but each home out of the 27 interviewed, claims to have lost an average of around two-three chickens. One villager claimed that six of his pigeons were missing. There is a rough estimate that around ten-fifteen goats and five-ten ducks were eaten.

The police had also taken the group of 10 villagers to a monolith painted in red that had been built to commemorate a fallen Dalam member Chutey Khoja, who was shot dead in Bijapur last year. He had apparently joined the Dalam as a ten-year old, claiming to be an orphan. In fact, he had joined the Dalam after an argument with his mother, who now lives alone at Tatemargu.

Eventually the police started to question the villagers about the Monolith. Who built it? Who is this person? Why is Comrade Chutey Amar Rahe written on it? When the villagers feigned ignorance out of fear, they were beaten. They eventually confessed that the Naxalites had asked them to build it and the police would begin to chip away at its base, hoping to destroy it. However, the structure remained – the security forces would only rip off the sickle and hammer that stood on the crest of the monument.

Around the same time, a few of the Special Police Officers (SPOs) would begin to misbehave with the six women that were in their custody. They would deliberately start cutting the hair of eighteen-year-old Jogi Madvi with a knife. According to the witnesses, who were eventually set free, a senior 'adhikari' in uniform, who spoke Hindi came to her rescue.

'How can you do this to your own people?' said the officer who apparently snatched the knife from the perpetrator and threw it away. The women weren't mistreated after that.

The same officer also refused the food that was made from the livestock of Tatemargu..

The security forces left the village of Tatemargu around five in the evening and camped across the mountain in the jungle with the four villagers from Tatemargu and two from Doghpar. The next day, they entered Pallodi, where they allegedly burnt down 30 homes, and captured one villager.

Somewhere, on the way, all seven of them were shot dead.

Tatemargu, a Naxalite Village?

Most of the Muria villagers from Sukma first settled at Tatemargu around fifty years ago. They brought their techniques of cultivation from Jagdalpur and the abundance of resources made Tatemargu an ideal location for cultivation. They had an ample supply of water, and they have never used pesticides on their crops. Reportedly, agriculture has never failed in their village, even though cultivation has all but ceased in the majority of Dantewada and Bijapur districts of Chhattisgarh – ever since the inception of the Salwa Judum.

At Tatemargu, long before the Naxalites came, a villager was beaten or chastised by a forest official for cutting too many trees for cultivating land, or for some other discretion. 'To live here, you must bear a few beatings.' – was what the old women of Tatemargu would tell their children.

Eventually, the village would begin to thrive. The villagers started to build large homes with bricks and cement. Some of them would spend around five years building their homes. Many families had produced an average of around 30 quintals of rice per season. Two villagers, one Deva Kovasi, claims that a Special Police Officer (SPO) stole some Rs.30,000 from him when he was trying to escape the raid; the other, Oonga Kanmu, claims that he lost Rs.15,000, along with some jewels from his home.

Some families had around 30 acres of land, some around 100 cattle. There are currently around 800 people and a majority of the families have over 10 acres of land, yet there are still many poorer Muria who have only five to three acres. Most of the homes have goats, cattle, chickens and even some ducks. The village of Tatemargu, is unofficially described as the number one village at Konta block.

The Naxalites had imposed prohibition – restricting the intake of liquor rather than completely banning it. They also ensured that everyone worked on everyone's land. Those who drank too much and did little work, weren't allowed more than three acres.

The government opened an angaanbadi centre. There were 10 cases of polio in the village before the angaanbadi services started, but as anti-polio vaccines were made available through the angaanbadi service, there have been no cases of polio. However, angaanbadi services have been discontinued since the Salwa Judum started. Healthcare is now minimal. Only the leftover medicines for sore throats, fevers and headaches remain. Most have expired. If people are capable of traveling to a city for healthcare, they often choose to. If they are incapable of traveling and afflicted with a severe illness, they often just die.

In fact, Tatemargu in Konta Block has been left completely untouched by government influence ever since the Salwa Judum. One handpump was installed during Ajit Jogi's last tenure and it has stopped working over a year ago. There is no one to repair it.

There has never been any electricity at Tatemargu. Two villagers had two solar panels which were wrecked by the security forces. They even vandalized whatever remained of the angaanbadi centre and the school.

In 2005, the only remaining teacher was given a choice to teach in one of the Salwa Judum camps near Konta, or to discontinue his service. He has around twenty acres of land and more than a hundred cattle at Tatemargu, his home – he claims that he can produce around 30 quintal of rice, and 20 kilograms of ghee a year – why should he be a teacher in some Salwa Judum camp where he and his family would have nothing? As it is, his family grew up in Tatemargu and refused to budge, and he wasn't ready to abandon them. Is this what makes me a Naxalite? Is this why I deserve to die?

Yet families were still split apart. Many families of Tatemargu have relations at Konta or Sukma, living in Salwa Judum camps. Quite a few of the villagers of Tatemargu keep that fact a secret for fear of retribution, or incurring the wrath of the Maoists. They seldom meet one another and only manage to do so clandestinely. When the villagers of Tatemargu travel, which they seldom do, they always claim to be from some other village.

Their markets have also shifted – they have to sell their produce to middlemen from Andhra Pradesh, for a price of Rs.600-Rs.700 per quintal for rice, or to Kistaram market, for Rs.990 per quintal. They barely sell their wares at Kistaram for fear of being apprehended, or branded off as 'Naxals'. This market situation also led to the hoarding of rice. Additionally, the hoarding is also an indication of a man's wealth – the more rice you have, the richer you are.

This has been their situation since the Salwa Judum started.

'When Muria kill Muria, who benefits?' Asks Poodiyan Lakhma of Tatemargu, regarding the Salwa Judum. He was in Andhra Pradesh when he got news of the attack on his village by security forces. The news was bittersweet – while his three children and his young wife managed to escape unhurt, his home was burnt to the ground. He lost two quintals of rice, one quintal of Mahua, forty kilograms of corn and 20 kilograms of salt. He has only three acres of land and is one of the poorer inhabitants of Tatemargu.

by Javed Iqbal / For The New Indian Express

Adivasi festival enthralls people in Himachal's Kinnaur valley

2009-11-14T00:03:00.001-08:00

Kinnaur (Himachal Pradesh), 2009 Nov. 4: A five-day tribal festival in Kinnaur valley of Himachal Pradesh which concluded on Tuesday enthralled the people by providing a glimpse of the rich tradition and folk forms of the State.

"Pre-Lavi" festival was organized to offer a platform to the traditional artistes to showcase their talent. Hundreds of tribals from different parts of Kinnaur valley participated in the extravaganza to showcase their unique attire, dance, music, and food.

"We tried to promote the upcoming traditional artistes of Kinnaur by organizing cultural dance and music competitions. We also provided a platform to exhibit the Kinnauri shawls, apricot oil, wool, dry fruits and apples," said Priyanka Vasu, Deputy Commissioner, Kinnaur District Administration. Vasu said they put up government stalls to provide information about the upcoming government policies.

In an attempt to add genuine touch to the festival, special stalls were erected for people to buy dry fruits, traditional dresses, wool and organic agricultural produce.

"We are farmers and we do organic farming. We have come here to exhibit and sell our local organic produce. We are trying to promote organic farming by participating in this tribal festival," said Vimal Negi, a tribal farmer and a participant in the exhibition.

The organization of the festival helps the people of Kinnaur valley to preserve their rich tradition but also earn a livelihood. This festival lasted till November 02 (Monday).

--ANI

Adivasi belt of Bastar witnessed a naked violation of the constitutional provisions

2009-11-13T19:10:00.001-08:00

In Chattisgarh the tribal district Batar, District administration has played in the hands of house of Tatas by way of stage managed public hearing bluntly violating the norms and set procedures as laid down in the Notification to grant Environmental Clearances.

By making mockey of the conditions of the Notification where Public Hearing is a mandatory requirement where consultation with the likely affected villagers are held. But to fulfill this mandatory requirements, public hearing was held at the campus of the district collector, which is at a distance of about 30 Kms from the project area. This was done with mischivious motives as it is known to all that the villagers are strongly opposing the setting up of any steel plant in their area.

The entire drama was enacted to show off that the mandatory public hearing is held. This has proved to be nothing less than a puppet show of the district administration where except the most of the tribals who are residents of the villages to be affected, all others were present whom the project proponent hired or managed with the help of District Administration to dance to the tunes of the project proponent house of Tatas.

Now, when the naked violation of the constitutional provisions are critisised, there are few faces who try to justify that the action of the Bastar District Administration was legal and as per the rules and requirements. They should better read the notification with annexures before spitting lie in public.

Important ingriedent of the same is to hold the public hearing as close as possible to the villages that too with in the Block area where project is proposed. Fact is that out of 9 villages to be affected are all in Lohandiguda Block and one is another block but none of these villages fall in the area where the so called puppet show in the name of public hearing was stage managed so as to complete the mandatory requirement of holding public hearing.

Well, There are enough proofs that are left behind to prove that the puppet show was held in the name of Public Hearing in violation to set rules and norms. It is mandatory to videograph entire proceedings without without any editing and to be submitted with the recommendations. How this video will show the faces of those thousands of tribals who are residents of the villagers who were deprived to take part in the stage managed show? There are other lacunas also that can be the part of the objections that can be filed.

The recent drama of the Public Hearing for EIA is the part II of the earlier drama played with the tribals where mockery of the PESA Act has been made in full public view under fortified conditions so as to crush the democratic voice of the tribals. There is much water to flow down the Indravati River for Tatas who are in day dreams that they play with the sentiments of tribals, crush their voice, play with the constitutional provisions that safegurards the interests of tribals. Unholy nexus of the Tatas with that of the district administration needs to be exposed before the world.

I appeal to all demorcratic forces and civil society organisations to come forward to help the victims who have fallen pray to the illegalites at the hands of the district administration.

Pravin Patel

Human Rights Activist and

Director, Tribal Welfare Society

Operation Green Hunt Vs Adivasi hunt

2009-11-10T15:26:00.001-08:00

Even though Maoists in Bengal have indicated that they are ready for talks, preparations are on a war footing for Operation Green Hunt in Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh. CoBRA commandos are to be sent to Gadchiroli, a few companies of the CRPF are already in place. Add to this the other paramilitary forces stationed in the district. And, finally, the local police.

The numbers stacked up against the rebels are huge. Now, the question that's being asked is where are the Naxals? The government's efforts to flush out Naxals from the thick jungles of Gadchiroli are going to be anything but a cakewalk especially as Naxals don't go around with identity cards around their necks.

In a tactical move, often the Naxals have also discarded their traditional olive green dungarees and are mingling with the locals in traditional outfits making their identification all the more difficult. It seems the only way the cops will come face to face with the Naxals is in an encounter. Here too the rebels are known to make surprise attacks - either guerrilla tactics or the newly adopted mobile warfare. Records show that the police have always been lured into a trap and massacred.

The police have very few records of Naxals. So far, intelligence have data of only about 300-odd names. The number of photographs, largely of those arrested and some from other sources, available is barely 30% of the data. In such a scenario, the security forces have little means to identify a Naxal.

"The Naxals have several aliases. They identify themselves differently in different locations," said a Gadchiroli cop.

Another experienced cop, who has been working in Gadchiroli for two weeks now, has this to say: "Police have some time-tested ways to differentiate an innocent villager from a Naxal who would try to slip away or try to hide. A big group would however have no choice but to get into a gun-fight."

As the hype around the operation builds up, the cops also expect the front organizations and supporters to get active. "Naxals have strong and active political, media and legal cells at urban centres to highlight their cause," said a social observer. "They will be quick to capitalize on any loss of innocent blood."

Some cops feel that the central government should take a leaf out of the Sri Lankan government's book. In its fight against the LTTE, the media was kept at a safe distance to avoid any sympathy wave that might be generated.

Gadchiroli has witnessed more than 50 brutal deaths of cops this year. The confidence and morale is at an all-time low. To make matters worse, their relationship with villagers, who are being continuously threatened by Naxals, is not good too. A senior official from the district administration claimed that police need to improve their relationship with the media.

"Until villagers help the cops with information, success against Naxals is difficult in Gadchiroli," said a local resident pointing at how Operation Parakram-I and II (between February and October) failed in the district despite it being planned at a high level.

Former state Anti-Naxal Operation chief Pankaj Gupta said the government should now 'counter-attack' by highlighting its schemes that have been specially designed for the tribal district. "Wresting the initiative through the media is one of the better strategies to push the Maoist back," said Gupta.

Stationing at least one helicopter in Gadchiroli will also go a long way in boosting the morale of the cops. There's discontent among the police force as in absence of a chopper reinforcements can't be rushed in during an ambush. On October 8 at Laheri, the cornered cops waited for more than three hours for help that never came.

A senior district official pointed out that central government had recently sanctioned six helicopters for Naxal-affected areas. But not a single one has landed. "A rescue helicopter is urgently needed," said the official.

The Naxals, meanwhile, have upped their campaign in the villages trying to garner support. "Despite efforts, government initiatives are being hijacked by Naxals. For the Operation Green Hunt to succeed, it's important that propaganda too goes hand-in-hand with it," said the official.

WHEN NAXALS GOT THE BETTER OF COPS

01/02 Markegaon: 15 cops die after being ambushed in a forest close to Chhattisgarh border. The Naxals were apparently more than 300 and the cops were completely taken by surprise

6/04 Mungner: 3 cops killed as they manage to put up a fight

21/05 Hattigota: 16 cops, including 5 women, killed. On being informed that a number of Naxals including women have assembled here, cops rush to Hattigota but are again outnumbered

8/10 Laheri: Five days before the elections, cops lose 17 men, the highest so far. Naxals also take away ammunition and wireless sets

WHEN COPS GOT THE BETTER OF NAXALS

Apart from Mungner, where the Chattisgarh cops claimed that 7 Naxals were shot, there are no records with Maharashtra police to show that the rebels have lost personnel.

TNN 7 November 2009

Operation Green Hunt

2009-11-10T09:32:00.001-08:00

We are alarmed at the Government's adoption of a military solution to the conflict in the tribal belts of central India. Operation Green Hunt will exact a toll in terms of innocent human lives and a long-lasting hatred in the hearts and minds of those who survive. We strongly believe that what is being called the war against Maoists will result in a war against adivasis, even if that is not the intention, because military operations will directly impact all the adivasis in the geographical area.

We stand against violence of all forms, structural and physical, from all sides, whether it is from Maoists, the State, corporate powers or independent citizens and groups, or dispossession, loss of livelihoods and endemic malnutrition. Instead of a paradigm of meaningful and participatory development, India's recent decades of growth have exacerbated disparities in society. Surely, your government realizes that such uneven development will only intensify the cycle of violence without any promise of real or lasting benefits for the poorest. There is ample evidence around the world, and in history to suggest that uneven development and State-sponsored violence leads to a breakdown of democracy - to failed States and "puppet governments." In Chhattisgarh too, the State- backed Salwa Judum has only added fuel to the ongoing conflict.

We strongly urge you to hold talks with civil society groups that work very closely with the people to understand ground realities better. These groups can provide valuable advice for long lasting peace and justice in the region and should not be dismissed or penalized as "Maoist sympathizers".

Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA), a Gandhian organization has been working in southern Chhattisgarh for the last two decades on issues of health, education and empowerment of the adivasis. Led by Mr. Himanshu Kumar, VCA has courageously worked for the rehabilitation of villagers made refugees on their own lands by the atrocities of Salwa Judum and by the cyclical violence resulting from it. We urge you to hold talks with Mr. Himanshu Kumar to understand and adopt this alternate paradigm of development.

In the interest of innocent tribal families living in the forests who will surely come in harm's way through the planned Operation Green Hunt, we demand that:

1. The government retract military operations in Central India with immediate effect.

2. Hold meaningful conversations with Adivasi representatives and development workers such as Mr. Himanshu Kumar.

3. Disband Salwa Judum with immediate effect and end covert militarization through arming of civilians as Special Police Officers.

4. Support rehabilitation of refugees and ensure responsible governance so people can return to their homes, pursue their livelihoods and democratically participate in the development process.

5. Initiate action against government functionaries who have perpetrated or promoted extrajudicial violence.

For reference: Citizen's Initiative for Peace Letter to Chidambaram Mind the Drill, Outlook, Nov 16, 2009 India: Protect Civilians in Anti-Maoist Drive, Human Rights Watch, Nov 5, 2009

Sent to: Mr. Chidambaram, Hon'ble Home Minister of India

cc. Dr. Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister of India

cc. Mrs. Sonia Gandhi

Sincerely,

Phani Mylavarapu

Post Doctoral Research Associate

Mechanical Engineering Department

Louisiana State University/Southern University

Baton Rouge, LA-70803

Ph.No: 225-223-9497

30 Adivasi languages on verge of extinction

2009-10-19T16:11:00.001-07:00

Education gradually turns inaccessible for the Adivasi people as the languages they speak are on the verge of extinction due mainly to a lack of practice.

Of the 30 existing Adivasi languages, at least seven have so far become endangered. Reduction in population in respective community and neglect by successive governments worsened the situation.

Researchers recommend launch of a separate education system at least at primary level for the indigenous people in their mother tongue to save the languages. If taken, the move would also be the first step to save the literature and culture of these communities, they believe.

So far, Khumi, Khiyang and Pankho languages have become endangered as users of each language reduced to less than 2,000. On the other hand, Kuruk, Koch, Patra and Hajong languages are likely to be endangered as their use has been alarmingly dropped.

When the government launches "education for all by 2015" campaign, 33 percent of the total 50 percent dropouts of Adivasi primary students occurs due to language problems.

Different agreements like the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord and the Constitution conferring the right to study in mother tongue could not change the scenario.

"If the government really wants development of the Adivasi people, they must protect their languages and ensure education in their mother tongue," says eminent linguist Prof Abul Kalam Manzur Morshed.

"The state should take the responsibility so that the indigenous people get education in their mother tongue at least at primary level. Otherwise, the 'education for all' campaign cannot be successful," comments Shourav Sikder, chairman of the Department of Linguistics, Dhaka University.

In neighbouring Tripura of India, the indigenous people study in mother tongue till higher secondary level.

Successive governments ignored the demands of the Adivasi people to introduce primary education in their mother tongue and thus drew flak from the experts and educationists.

Even the government agencies concerned do not know the exact number of indigenous languages spoken in the country.

"Our predecessors did not concentrate on the population issue. I'll try to bring up the current standard of literature, language and culture of the indigenous people," says State Minister for Culture Promod Mankin.

He adds a national Adivasi cultural academy would be formed besides necessary expansion of current Adivasi cultural centres for research and practice of their literature and languages.

Though the indigenous people have no alternative to using Bangla for education the government even does not have any programme to teach them the state language.

But the Adivasi people are keen to learn Bangla.

The government institutions pin the blame on each others showing lack of infrastructure in initiating any efforts in this regard. They however say any initiative taken by the Adivasi people to protect their language would be welcomed.

ENDANGERED LANGUAGES

Kuruk, the language of Orao ethnic community, is an example of Adivasi language getting extinct over the years.

Research shows just three generations earlier the language was widely used and practised by about 80,000 Oraos.

In course of time the population reduced to only around 20,000 from a population of 2 lakh. Most of the Oraos now even don't understand Kuruk properly and cannot communicate smoothly using the language.

Khumi, Khiyang and Pankho languages have also become endangered as population of each of these indigenous communities has reduced to less than 2,000.

Languages of Koch, Patra and Hajong are in no better situation as their use has dropped over the years.

Among the 30 indigenous languages only Chakma and Marma have their own alphabets, while 12 indigenous communities have adopted Roman alphabet for their use.

Some other indigenous communities, especially the 2 lakh people living in Rajshahi, use a language called "Sadri" adopting alphabets from Hindi, Bangla, Urdu and other Adivasi languages.

"Each community has their own literature in spoken forms and they have poetry, songs and fairy tales. The forms of literature will be lost unless the communities are given education in their mother tongue," Shourav Sikder observes.

The Ministry of Cultural Affairs and Bangla Academy deny responsibility of conducting any research or census on Adivasi languages showing lack of workforce, infrastructure and fund crisis.

EDUCATION

According to a survey conducted by the Research Development Collective in association with Brac, only 1.3 percent Adivasi people -- especially from larger communities including Chakma, Mahato, Santal and Garo -- complete graduation, while statistics show the rate of completing master's degree and above is nil.

The survey also shows only 2.3 percent indigenous people complete higher secondary education, while 11 percent pass secondary school certificate exams.

The survey was conducted on 10 indigenous communities across the country both on plain land and in the hills.

In CHT the condition of Mro people is the worst as they have only 15.5 percent enrolment at primary schools with only 2.7 percent girls.

"There are places where 100 percent people are illiterate. With limited resources this is the best we can do," said Prof Mesbah Kamal, who conducted the study in 2004.

Poverty, lack of opportunity to study in mother tongue, absence of indigenous teachers, inadequate number of institutions, schools at distant places, worst communications, involvement of children in economic activities, and lack of awareness about important of education are the reasons behind dropouts.

Experts suggest introduction of a multilingual education system to make it possible for the Adivasi children to face the challenges. They also recommend special government census on sociocultural and education status of the Adivasi people, separate academic calendar and setting up of a residential education system.

Arranging education in mother tongue would not be a tough job for the government as the work is being carried out largely by different donor organisations and non-government agencies.

Different NGOs and donors organisations including Oxfam, Danida and Action Aid have about 800 elementary and primary institutions for Adivasi children across the country in their mother tongue.

Apart from this, Brac also runs about 1,600 schools for indigenous education in the country. There are also 500 missionary schools offering education for the Adivasi children in their mother tongue.

Sunday, October 18, 2009 / The Daily Star, Bangladesh

Starvation deaths in Chenchu Adivasi of Nallamala forest, Andhra Pradesh

2009-09-03T13:19:00.001-07:00

Chenchus of Nallamala forest are close to starvation. Serious malnutrition has induced malaria and dreaded tuberculosis in the community.

According to statistics, around 41.23 per cent of Chenchu population has been struck by malaria and over 2,000 TB cases detected. Infant morality rate was 215 per thousand as against 80 in the rest of the population. Maternal mortality was seven per thousand as against average of four elsewhere.

Their poor health status is attributed to lack of nutritious diet. While there is no incidence of malaria and TB among other forest dwellers, the diseases were dogging the Chenchu population.

Starvation deaths were detected among Chenchus way back in 1994. On the direction of Centre, the State government constituted a high level committee headed by the Chief Secretary to tackle the problem. But the committee appears to have met last only in 1997. When this correspondent was driving on the ghat roads of Nallamala forest recently, emaciated Chenchu children were seen running after the vehicles carrying pilgrims to Srisailam temple for food or money.

The plight of the Chenchus can be attributed to the poor or half-hearted implementation of the government's guidelines framed in 1994 to help them. For instance, the Antyodaya cards for tribals are expected to ensure that every family gets 35 kg rice at Rs. 3 a kg and 10 kg extra for senior citizens, but only half the families are covered so far.

The 40,000-strong Chenchu tribals, who are spread across six districts, are considered among the poorest of the poor.

It is a losing a battle for them ever since the first law came into force in 1891 reserving the Nallamala forest and seeking to resettle them elsewhere. Since then, the noose around Chenchu necks is tightening year after year.

Income earned from pilgrims in the form of 'metta' (resting place) fee is lost after the motorable road was laid to Srisailam. Chenchus also used to collect a small fee for escorting pilgrims to safety as wild animals and dacoits roamed the forests. In the days of yore, Chenchus were taken care of by the temple.

The confrontation with the forest department intensified after declaration of a tiger reserve on 6,197 sq km covering the entire habitat of Chenchus in the nineties. Rampant alcoholism among the Chechus is partly to blame.

Apr 30, 2009 / The Hindu

Adivasi Communities in India: Development and Change

2009-08-30T09:31:00.001-07:00

Text of the Vice President's inaugural address to Seminar on Adivasi Communities in India

The Vice President of India Shri M. Hamid Ansari has said that the reality is unpalatable and the data speaks for itself. Compared to other sections of our society, the tribal population has the lowest Human Development Index. Delivering inaugural address at the International Seminar on "Adivasi/ST Communities in India: Development and Change" organized by the Institute for Human Development here today, he said that the literacy rate of the Schedule Tribes (STs) at 47.1 in the 2001 Census is far below the national literacy rate of 64.84. Tribal children suffer from high drop out rates and low female literacy. They also have high infant mortality rates and malnutrition as compared to other population groups.

He expressed his concern that STs suffer from geographical and social exclusion, high poverty rates and lack of access to appropriate administrative and judicial mechanisms. Low level of infra-structural endowments and growing gap in infrastructure creation in tribal areas, as compared to the rest of India, has further diminished prospects for progress. For the 85 million Scheduled Tribes in India, the struggle to retain their identities and seek empowerment through our Constitutional framework has not yielded commensurate outcomes.

The Vice President opined that the Forest Rights Act of 2006 represents an important step in attempting to reverse the marginalisation of our tribal people. It gives legislative teeth to the Constitutional provisions for protection and development of Scheduled Tribes, provides them a level playing field and casts tribal rights in a new matrix based on community control and customary access. It acknowledges the immense hardship caused to the Scheduled Tribes due to insecurity of tenurial and access rights and forced relocation due to State development interventions. Quick implementation of the provisions of this Act by various State Governments would go a long way in realising the vision of our Founding Fathers and ensuring that economic development and social progress is inclusive.

Following is the text of the Vice President's inaugural address:

"It gives me great pleasure to inaugurate this international seminar organised by the Institute for Human Development. The choice of the theme is appropriate. It covers a range of issues of local, national and global importance relating to the well-being of Adivasi communities in India.

A look at recent history provides a perspective. The political, social and cultural heterogeneity of India was amply reflected in the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly. The Objectives Resolution was tabled by Jawaharlal Nehru in December 1946. It sought to secure social, economic and political justice, equality of status, of opportunity, and before the law to all the people and promised adequate safeguards for minorities, backward and tribal areas, and depressed and other backward classes. The contours of the debate were quantified by Jaipal Singh of Chotanagpur who, speaking on behalf of, as he put it, "millions of unknown hordes… unrecognised warriors of freedom, the original people of India who have variously been known as backward tribes, primitive tribes, criminal tribes and everything else", supported the Resolution.

Jaipal Singh also gave vent to long standing grievances and articulated the problem candidly:

"If there is any group of Indian people that has been shabbily treated it is my people. They have been disgracefully treated, neglected for the last 6,000 years. This Resolution is not going to teach Adibasis democracy. You cannot teach democracy to the tribal people; you have to learn democratic ways from them. They are the most democratic people on earth. What my people require is not adequate safeguards… We do not ask for any special protection. We want to be treated like every other Indian….The whole history of my people is one of continuous exploitation and dispossession by the non-aboriginals of India punctuated by rebellions and disorder, and yet I take Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru at his word. I take you all at your word that now we are going to start a new chapter, a new chapter of Independent India where there is equality of opportunity, where no one would be neglected."

Six decades later, a few questions need to be answered:

1. Has the experience of six decades been different from that of the earlier millennia and have Adivasis been treated with greater attention and justice?

2. Have Adivasis been afforded the equality of opportunity?

The reality is unpalatable and the data speaks for itself. Compared to other sections of our society, the tribal population has the lowest Human Development Index. The literacy rate of the STs at 47.1 in the 2001 Census is far below the national literacy rate of 64.84. Tribal children suffer from high drop out rates and low female literacy. They also have high infant mortality rates and malnutrition as compared to other population groups. They suffer from geographical and social exclusion, high poverty rates and lack of access to appropriate administrative and judicial mechanisms. Low level of infrastructural endowments and growing gap in infrastructure creation in tribal areas, as compared to the rest of India, has further diminished prospects for progress.

For the 85 million Scheduled Tribes in India, the struggle to retain their identities and seek empowerment through our Constitutional framework has not yielded commensurate outcomes. I therefore wish to highlight a few points for the consideration of this audience:

First, over 80 per cent of the Scheduled Tribes population works in the primary sector, with 45 per cent of them being cultivators and 37 per cent being agricultural labourers. Land thus represents the most important source of livelihood, emotional attachment and social stability in tribal communities. It is critical for cultivation horticulture, forestry and animal husbandry. The Draft National Tribal Policy testifies to it and notes that "alienation of tribal land is the single most important cause of pauperisation of tribals, rendering their vulnerable economic situation more precarious."

The Forest Rights Act of 2006 represents an important step in attempting to reverse the marginalisation of our tribal people. It gives legislative teeth to the Constitutional provisions for protection and development of Scheduled Tribes, provides them a level playing field and casts tribal rights in a new matrix based on community control and customary access. It acknowledges the immense hardship caused to the Scheduled Tribes due to insecurity of tenurial and access rights and forced relocation due to State development interventions. Quick implementation of the provisions of this Act by various State Governments would go a long way in realising the vision of our Founding Fathers and ensuring that economic development and social progress is inclusive.

Second, the Constitution of India provides specific social, economic and political guarantees to the Scheduled Tribes. In the social dimension, these are covered under Articles 14, 15(4), 16(4), 16(4 A), 338 (A) and 339 (1). The economic provisions are covered under Article 46, 275(1) and 335. The political provisions are very elaborate and are spelt out in Article 244 and 5th and 6th Schedules of the Constitution, as also in Articles 330, 332, and 243 (D).

The extent to which the Constitutional provisions have been implemented and the normative guarantees translated into policy are a matter of ongoing debate. Civil society groups and activists have pointed out the manner in which the application of the Indian Forest Act 1927 and The Land Acquisition Act 1894 has caused marginalisation and hardship to the Adivasis. They also note that 5th Schedule provisions to prevent application of such laws to Scheduled Areas had not been invoked.

Third, in comparison to other disadvantaged communities and groups, the Adivasis have been less effective in constituting themselves as a Pan-Indian interest group and in articulating their grievances through the formal political system. This could partly be attributed to lack of national homogeneity in the context and mechanisms that have led to the exclusion and oppression of the Adivasis. Geographical dispersion of the Adivasis and lack of iconic leadership with a national appeal also prevents effective political mobilisation. To a lesser extent, our education system and our media are also to blame for the lower profile accorded to the predicament of Indian tribes.

Fourth, the development paradigm of independent India has led to, in the words of the Draft National Tribal Policy, tribal communities witnessing "their habitats and homelands fragmented, their cultures disrupted, their communities shattered, the monetary compensation which tribal communities are not equipped to handle slipping out of their hands, turning them from owners of the resources and well-knit contented communities to individual wage earners in the urban conglomerates with uncertain futures and threatened existence".

Across the nation gigantic industrial, power, irrigation and mining projects representing the current development paradigm of independent Adivasi protests against land acquisition and displacement. Aligning our development needs with Adivasi rights and enhancing their Human Development Index is the need of the hour. This is also essential to prevent violent manifestations of discontent and unrest in our tribal areas emanating from exclusion and alienation.

Fifth, it is lost sight of that many Adivasis straddle multiple dimensions of deprivation and vulnerability. Besides being Scheduled Tribes, many of the Adivasis are also religious and linguistic minorities. It is very important that the protections afforded by the Constitution to the religious and linguistic minorities be fully made available to tribal communities that qualify.

I hope this seminar would act as a powerful tool for public advocacy on the extent of deprivation of Adivasis in the country and means to address them. I am confident that your deliberations would be immensely helpful for formulating policies conducive to Adivasi development.

pib.nic.in/release/release.asp?relid=52156

Adivasi Alert | Tribal India | website - Adivasi.jharkhand.org.uk

International aim for Adivasi Archers

2009-08-13T20:35:00.001-07:00

A golden opportunity to hone their skills under international coaches is awaiting tribal archers of the state.

The Union ministry for tribal affairs and the Archery Association of India (AAI) have inked an MoU for the promotion of indigenous archers from five states, including Jharkhand. The agreement, signed recently, mandates a championship to select archers who will be trained by experts from abroad.

The tourney, exclusively for tribal archers from Madhya Pradesh, Sikkim, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh, besides the state, will begin this October and be held in a phased manner. Seraikela will host the first event.

AAI secretary-general Paresh Nath Mukherjee said legs of the championship would also be held in Jabalpur, Gangtok, Shillong and Itanagar. "It will be an open tournament with no age bar. The event will act as an yardstick for tribals who want to enter the final that will be held in New Delhi," he said.

According to AAI officials, 40 archers — four boys and as many girls from each state — will be selected for the final. The list will be pruned further before the best are handpicked for training under international coaches. "It will be a long-term arrangement to be funded by the Union ministry. We will take care of logistics needed for holding the tournament and coaching camps," said an AAI official. The ministry is also expected to help these archers get employment at a later stage.

AAI officials said the state tourney in Seraikela would be held at the archery academy in Dugni. Run by the state, the academy has produced a fair number of international archers, including Mangal Ho, Ashrita Kerketta, Sumangala and Paltan Hansda. Ho, a native of Kharsawan, has been selected by a London-based security agency for special training for the 2012 Olympics.

August 12, 2009 / Telegraph

Paharia adivasi youth killed by their community members for witchcraft practice in Jharkhand

2009-08-07T22:50:00.001-07:00

A tribal youth, Suku Paharia (30), was murdered and his mother-in-law, Mrs Ganga Paharia was thrashed and later hacked with sharp weapons, allegedly by their community members, based on suspicions that the Paharia family practiced witchcraft and had caused the death of a 10 year-old child of the same village, Chhotan Paharia.

The sorcery suspects were attacked last night at Bonpara village of Hariharpara police station in Murshidabad. Suku died on the spot while his mother-in-law is now struggling for her life at Behrampore New General Hospital.

Suku who used to work in Mumbai as a daily wager, had to return to his village yesterday after being summoned by village chieftains, said a resident, Mr Madan Paharia. There would be frequent discussions and consequent altercations over Chhotan's fever-induced death causing resentment among the villagers who reportedly held a "majlis" or "kangaroo court" to ascertain the identity of the child's killers.

"The tribal court decided to visit a "jaan guru" (wizard detective) at Dumka and a delegation was slated to leave for Dumka this morning, but things went awry as soon as Suku reached home from Mumbai and faced the wrath of his fellow villagers, who ended up killing him," added Mr Madan Paharia.

A number of villagers, including Chhotan's family members, suspect that Mr Shibu Paharia, the father-in-law of the slain youth, is the master wizard who had engineered the "slow death" of the child by means of witchcraft, said police. The old man, however, managed to escape from his hut a couple of days back and was allegedly hiding on a tree-top. Shibu's disappearance augmented the doubts of the rustic chieftains and prompted them to attack the Paharia family with rods, axes and other sharp-cutting weapons last night.

Police reached the village this morning and made an inquiry but no-one has been arrested. The body of Suku Paharia has been sent for a post mortem. Suku's wife, who does paddy plantation work had left home a few days ago, and has not returned home yet.

Statesman News Service / ‎Aug 6, 2009‎

Delete your Anti-Jharkhandi contents on world wide web (www) or be ready for consequences - An Open Warning from Jharkhand Cohort to all alleged bloggers

2009-08-01T21:13:00.001-07:00

Dear Anti-Jharkhandi Blogger(s),

This is an open warning to you from Jharkhand Cohort to delete your Anti-Jharkhandi contents on world wide web (www) otherwise you will be prompted to face consequences of it.

Jai Jharkhand!

Jharkhand Cohort

cohort@jharkhand.us

cohort@jharkhandi.com

www.jharkhandi.org

Attached - An Anti-Jharkhandi content posted in July 2009 by a blogspot user -

RESERVATION IN BOLLYWOOD

नये नियम के अनुसार SC, ST और OBC के लिए 50 % RESERVATION रखा गया है

लंदन ड्रीम्स से असिन और सलमान को हटा कर सरीता केरकेट्टा और रमेश तिर्की को लिया गया है

The national pre-marital sex ratio among male youths is around 15 to 16 percent and three to five percent among female youths. The pre-marital sex ratio is a little higher in Adivasi society mainly because of the fact that tribal communities allow me

2009-07-30T19:05:00.001-07:00

The incidence of premarital sex among Jharkhand youths, particularly in tribal areas, is higher than the national average, says a study that also points to low condom use and little awareness of AIDS in this section.

According to the survey, 17 percent of young men and seven percent of young women indulge in pre-marital sex while the national average is around 15 percent and three percent respectively.

The study titled `Youth in India, Situation and Needs`, which was conducted in six states, including Jharkhand, was released on Tuesday. It was carried out by the International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai, and the Population Council, New Delhi.

`The national pre-marital sex ratio among male youths is around 15 to 16 percent and three to five percent among female youths. The pre-marital sex ratio is a little higher in tribal society mainly because of the fact that tribal communities allow men and women to stay together before marriage,` Usha Ram, an associate professor at IIPS, said.

It says around 19 percent of rural and 10 percent of urban male youths indulge in pre-marital sex. Eight percent of rural female youths indulge in pre-marital sex as compared to two percent urban female youths.

The survey says many of the sexual experiences of the young people were risky. Among those who had sex, one-quarter of young men and one-third of women reported pre-marital sex with more than one partner, and only seven percent of men and two percent of women reported condom use.

The survey report is based on the interviews of 8,814 youths, comprising unmarried women, men and married women between 15 and 24 years, and married men up to 29 years.

The awareness level of youths regarding HIV and AIDS is much below the national average. Only 27 percent of young men and 17 percent of young women had in-depth awareness of HIV/AIDS against the national average of 50 percent.

`The findings confirm the need for sex education,` said Ram.

Just one in 10 young men and one in 20 young women had attended family planning or sex education programmes. `Youth, nevertheless, were overwhelmingly in favour of the provision of family planning or sex education to young people,` she said.

The findings of the study show that young men and women have limited awareness of sexual and reproductive matters such as how pregnancy occurs, HIV and safe sex practices and contraception.

Only one-third of youth (35-36 percent) were aware that a woman can get pregnant while having sex for the first time. Around 36 percent of young men and 47 percent of young women did not know that 18 years is the legal minimum age at marriage for women.

The study noted that early marriage was followed by early pregnancy - 63 percent of the women had their first pregnancy before they were aged 18. The first pregnancy occurred within six months of marriage for 39 percent of young women.

`Early pregnancy - before the girl's body is fully developed and prepared for pregnancy - can have major repercussions for young girls` health and also for the health of the baby they carry. Appropriate measures should be adopted to postpone marriage and postpone pregnancy among girls getting married at an early age,` said Shireen Jejeebhoy, senior Associate of Population Council of India.

IANS / 2009-07-31

Teacher removes clothes of eight Adivasi Girl students on the pretext of taking measurements for their uniforms in Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh)

2009-07-30T19:02:00.001-07:00

In a shocking incident, a teacher allegedly removed upper clothes of eight Adivasi girl students of fifth standard of a government school near Tyonda in Vidisha on the pretext of taking measurements for their uniforms.

The shameful act of the teacher has now forced the eight girls of Ganjbasoda's Nurpur Education Guarantee Scheme School to discontinue their studies.

The incident that took place on July 24 about five km from Tyonda came to light when the girls complained to their parents about it, District Education Officer Manish Verma said in Vidisha on Wednesday.

He said the parents in a complaint alleged that the Guruji (teacher), Sanjeev Sharma, had allegedly removed the upper clothes of eight Adivasi girl students on the pretext of taking measurements for their uniforms in a closed classroom after calling two students at a time.

Once he made them to remove their upper clothes, he took the measurement with his fingers, instead of an inch-tape, Verma said. The students also alleged that the teacher had misbehaved with them when they were half-naked in the closed classroom, the DEO said.

The angry villagers went to the school but by then, Sharma had left after locking the premises following which they complained about the matter to the DEO.

Indian Express / Agencies / Jul 29, 2009

SC upholding the Kerala Restriction on Transfer by and Restoration of Lands to the Scheduled Tribes Act, 1999

2009-07-29T13:53:00.001-07:00

The Supreme Court, while partly upholding the Kerala Restriction on Transfer by and Restoration of Lands to the Scheduled Tribes Act, 1999, has said the legislation is more beneficial to the tribal people than the 1975 law that was repealed.

A Bench of Justice S.B. Sinha and Justice Mukundakam Sharma partly allowed the appeals filed by the Kerala government against a judgment of the Kerala High Court dated August 24, 2000, to the extent that the 1999 Act repealed the 1975 law relating to agriculture land. However, the Bench held that the State admittedly had no legislative competence to enact legislation in relation to non-agriculture land. While enacting the 1999 Act, the State could not have disadvantaged the persons who held non-agriculture land, having enacted the 1975 Act, and thus could not have repealed a portion thereof. "We, therefore, are of the opinion that to that extent the 1975 Act would continue to be applied."

Writing the judgment, Justice Sinha said: "The 1999 Act, if given a holistic view, is more beneficial to the members of the Scheduled Tribes than the 1975 Act. If the State contemplated a legislative policy for grant of more benefits to a vast section of people, taking care of not only restoration of land but also those who have not transferred any land at all or otherwise landless, the statute by no stretch of imagination can be treated to be an arbitrary and an unreasonable one."

"Furthermore, we have noticed that the members of the Scheduled Tribes are educated and we can safely presume that most of them are serving various institutions. We are satisfied that the Legislature of Kerala kept in view the necessity of protecting the interest of the small landholders who were in possession and enjoyment of property which had belonged to the tribal community and at the same time ensured that the tribal people are not thrown out of their land and rendered homeless."

The Bench said: "Keeping in view the promises made by the 1999 Act, it is obligatory on the part of the State to provide the land meant for the members of the Scheduled Tribes. If they do not have sufficient land, they may have to take recourse to the acquisition proceedings, but we are clear that the State will fulfil its legislative promise failing which the persons aggrieved will be entitled to take recourse to such remedies which are available to them in law."

Adivasi Development Schemes of Kerala State of India

2009-07-29T13:49:00.001-07:00

1. Housing (state scheme)

The scheme aims at providing financial assistance of Rs.70,000 to Scheduled Tribes in three stages for the construction of houses. Beneficiaries are selected by Oorukoottam.(Tribal groups) application form

2. Primitive Tribes Housing (art 275(I)), (75%CSS)

Primitive tribes are the most vulnerable tribal communities in the state. As most of them are living in forest areas and are houseless, they have to be provided with houses on a priority basis. As per a survey done by the ST Dev. Dept in 1996-97 there were 19 % houseless and 42 % with dilapidated houses among the primitive tribes. The total families of primitive tribes being 4406.

3. Implementation of Kerala State Restriction in Transfer of Lands and Restoration of alienated Land Act,1999.

The outlay proposed under the scheme will be utilised for the restoration of lands and rehabilitation of tribal families who lost their lands through alienation.

4. Food Support Programme

The outlay proposed is to continue the food support programme during 2004-2005 also.The scheme will be continued in all needy tribal areas of all Districts in the State. While implementing the programme emphasis will be given to land based activities for the increasing the food production. The Food Support Programme is proposed to be linked to the Re-settlement and Development Activities of the Tribal Mission by selecting the landless and poor tribal families identified by the Mission as beneficiaries of the programme.

5. Package Programmes for Adiyans, Paniyans, and Primitive Tribal Groups

Adiyans, Paniyans and the Primitive Tribal Groups are the most backward tribal people compared to other tribal communities. Therefore, need based and location specific package programmes for the benefit of these groups are to be formulated and implemented with special emphasis on education, health and economic development programmes.

6. Swaranjayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY )[css]

The provision of Rs 30 Iakh is towards 25% State share for TSP Sector of this Scheme proposed to be implemented in the state in 2004- 2005. Since Government of India makes the 75% Central assistance available directly to DRDAs, the amount towards Central share need not be included in State budget.

7. Jawahar Gram Samridhi Yojana (JGSY) / SGRY )[css]

Under the scheme durable community assets are created with the main aim of employment generation. It is proposed to generate 0.75 lakh mandays of wage employment for the rural poor in the TSP sector during the period 2004-05 under this programme. The above amount proposed is towards the 25 % State share portion of this programme under TSP.

8.Indira Awas Yojana (IAY)[css]

IAY is found to be the most useful shelter providing scheme for the rural houseless poor. It is expected to construct 1291 houses under this scheme for ST beneficiaries below poverty line during the plan period, for which 75% central assistance is anticipated. Since the Central share of fund is given directly to DRDAs, Central share of TSP need not be shown in the budget.

9. Corpus Fund for Project Based Activities

The pooling of funds under Tribal Sub Plan introduced in 1996-97 has not proved successful due to the absence of Project based approach in sanction and implementation of schemes and lack of reallocation of resources to needy areas. The new approach will ensure human resources development of SCs/STs including their education and training etc. A Corpus Fund would be set up to fund projects received from the Districts with emphasis to the following elements –

1. Self Employment

2. Skill Development

3. Provision of Water supply and sanitation

4. Improving communication facilities to inaccessible areas including bridle paths and foot bridges.

5. Technology transfer

6. Improvement of Education and health.

10. Resettlement of Landless Tribals

A policy decision has been taken by Government to provide at least one acre of land per family to landless tribals subject to a ceiling of 5 acres per family. Tribal families having less than one acre are also eligible to get the required extent of land to make their holdings at least one acre extend. For this objective a Tribal Mission has been formed to undertake rehabilitation activities based on Master Plan. The key components of the resettlement plan are.-

1. Development of Minimum needs infrastructure including housing.

2. Land Development including irrigation and raising of crops.

3. Self employment programmes

4. Provision of health care

5. Skill development

Resettlement will be done on a project basis through which emphasis on planning and implementation through Oorukootams.

11. MAJOR TRIBAL PROJECTS

(Common Head of Account for the three projects – Priyadarshini Tea Estate, Attappady Co-operative Farming Society, Vattulukki Girijan Co-operative Farming Society). Some amount is proposed during 2004-05 for the running of the three projects viz Priyadarshini Tea Estate, Attappady Co-operative Farming Society and Vattulukki Girijan Co-operative Farming Society

12. Drinking Water Supply to Tribal Areas of Wayanad (100%ACA)

Wayanad District is a hill district with relatively poor infrastructure facilities. Nearly 1/3 rd of the total population of Kerala lives in Wayanad. Most of the tribal families who live in settlements are poor and vulnerable to various diseases particularly water borne diseases. A total sanitation project is essential for wayanad under CRSP. The sanitation project would become infructuous without a simultaneous programme to provide safe drinking water. The work is executed through commonly constructing and not less than 5% of the capital cost is obtained as contribution from the participatory families.

13. Enhancement of Facilities in Tribal acres. (100% ACA)

During 2002-03 GOI has sanctioned an amount of Rs. 9 crore as additional SCA to Kerala for the Enhancement of Facilities in the tribal areas of Kerala. The amount released for infrastructure development has to be used for programmes which would ensure acceptable standards of infrastructure and other facilities in schools and hospitals in the most backward tribal areas. This is to ensure that tribals get an assured level of service from the hospitals and quality education from the schools. It is proposed to upgrade the facilities of schools where at least 20% of the students belong to tribal communities and also for enhancing the facilities of tribal hostels serving these schools

14.Provision of Basic Needs to Primitive Tribals.

Kerala has five Primitive tribal groups namely Chola Naickans, Kattu Naickans, Kadars, Koragas and Kurumbas. There are nearly 5000 primitive Tribal families who live in inaccessible areas under conditions of extreme deprivation. A basic needs package consisting of shelter, Sanitation, Water Supply and lighting is proposed to be provided to the families of Primitive Tribal Groups.

15. Land and Agricultural Development Activities In Selected Settlement wise Population

The Scheduled Tribes Development Department had undertaken a Watershed based development study of tribal hamlets in 5 southern districts in cooperation with CESS, KAU, etc. and the study has been completed and a lot of data has been generated. As part of the study development project in one hamlet in each of the 5 districts was started in August 2003 as a pilot project. The Department proposes to extend the scheme to all the hamlets where sufficient land is available in a phase manner. In the first phase 45 settlement/hamlet shall be taken up and the scheme shall be implemented within a period of 2 years.

Food Support Programme

Watershed studies with emphasis on tribal settlements (70% CSS)

Watershed studies in selected districts of Kerala with Special emphasis on tribal settlement is an ongoing CSS implemented by the centre for Earth Science studies in the five southern districts of Kerala. This project will likely to be completed during 2003-04.

As part of the 2 nd phase of the programme " Watershed Development Programme in the Tribal settlements of Northern Kerala" begins on 2003-04 is operated in the tribal settlements of Kozhikode and Thrissur Districts